Intellectual  Bravery 


COMMENCEMENT  ADDRESS 


JUNE  10,  1914 


BY 


THOMAS  RILEY  MARSHALL,  LL.  D. 

VICE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


THE  MAINE  BULLETIN 

VOL.  16,    SPECIAL    NUMBER 

ORONO,  MAINE,  JULY,  1914 


J. 


Hon.  Thomas  Riley  Marshall,  LL.  D. 
Commencement  Orator 


INTELLECTUAL    BRAVERY 


Intellectual  Bravery 


COMMENCEMENT  ADDRESS 


JUNE  10,  1914 


BY 


THOMAS  RILEY  MARSHALL,  LL.  D. 

VICE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 


c 


I  AM  here  to  acknowledge  that  I  have  never  gotten 
anywhere  in  my  life  by  the  grace  of  merit  alone.  It 
has  always  been  because  somewhere  scattered  over  the 
broad  domain  of  the  republic  there  was  a  great  Hoosier 
who  was  willing  to  say  or  do  something  for  any  Hoosier 
brother  of  his.  So  my  presence  in  this  splendid  audito- 
rium this  morning,  on  this  beautiful  campus,  is  not  due  to 
any  merit  of  my  own,  but  to  my  old  time  friendship  for 
your  distinguished  president. 

Carping  Pilate  asked,  "What  is  truth  ?"  and  would  not 
stay  for  an  answer,  with  the  result  that  twenty  centuries 
have  not  been  enabled  to  tell  definitely  what  is  the  truth. 
And  since  his  day  nobody  has  been  infallible,  not  even  a 
young  man,  although  youth  comes  nearer  infallibility  than 
any  other  period  of  life. 

This  is  the  young  man's  age.  Failing  eyesight  indi- 
cates failing  intellectual  vigor  and  the  failure  of  the  power 
to  do  anything.  I  desire  you  to  note  that  statement.  I 
am  wearing  glasses  myself.  There  is  no  longer  any  use 
for  the  old  man  in  business  life.  There  may  be  now  and 
then  an  elderly  minister  in  Maine,  but  nowhere  else  in  the 
republic.  There  is  a  dead  line  which  comes  with  failing 
eyesight  and  graying  hair,  and  the  only  place  in  which 
there  is  use  for  an  old  man  is  in  the  profession  of  the  law, 
and  I  think  they  only  tolerate  the  old  lawyer  because  he 
knows  some  things  that  it  would  be  unpleasant  for  him 
to  tell.  I  have  no  protest  to  make  against  this  young 
men's  and  young  women's  age.  I  know  that  the  automo- 
bile has  taken  the  place  of  the  horse,  and  the  electric  car 


has  taken  the  place  of  the  ox  team,  and  I  know  that 
things  are  moving  at  a  rapid  pace  in  the  world.  And  I 
have  no  objection  to  the  young  man's  age  if  the  young 
man  will  be  willing  to  assume  the  responsibilities  of  the 
age  in  which  he  lives,  and  will  be  willing  to  meet  and  face 
the  responsibilities  of  life.  My  own  views  are  unimpor- 
tant, absolutely  unimportant,  unless  they  meet  with  the 
approval  of  right-thinking  men  and  right-thinking  women 
everywhere.  The  most  dangerous  man  in  the  world  is 
the  man  who  imagines  that  his  personality  is  in  and  of 
itself  of  any  great  moment. 

I  want  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  we  have  three 
grades  of  citizens  in  the  Republic  that,  with  due  deference 
to  the  opinion  of  other  people,  it  seems  to  me  might  be 
improved  upon.  And  if  they  are  to  be  improved  upon,  it 
must  be  the  work  of  the  young  men  and  the  young 
women  who  are  going  out  of  the  colleges  and  universities 
of  America  this  year,  and  next  year,  and  every  succeeding 
year. 

There  is  a  grade  of  citizens  in  America  that  I  might 
call  hero  worshippers,  citizens  who  erect  a  base  in  their 
hearts,  set  up  the  statue  of  a  mere  man,  and  fall  down 
and  worship  it.  And  this  worship  is  not  confined  to  those 
who  have  not  had  the  advantages  of  an  academic  train- 
ing, but,  alas!  too  often  the  real  hero  worshipper  of 
America  is  the  bright,  consummate  flower  of  college  and 
university  training. 

I  may  be  permitted  to  illustrate.  I  know  a  man  who  is, 
from  the  standpoint  of  knowledge  and  information  ac- 
quired, the  peer  of  any  person  in  the  Republic.  He  has 
been  a  hero  worshipper  for  ten  years  to  my  certain  knowl- 
edge.    Some  two  years  and  a  half  ago  he  wrote  and  had 


published  what  seemed  to  me  to  be  by  far  the  best  article 
that  I  had  read  opposing  the  new-fangled  idea  of  the 
recall  of  the  judiciary.  Within  six  weeks  after  the  publi- 
cation of  that  article,  a  certain  distinguished  gentleman 
who  has  had  all  the  honors  that  the  American  people  can 
confer  upon  a  man,  and  has  taken  all  the  honors  abroad 
that  he  could  carry  home,  announced  that  he  believed  in 
the  recall  of  judicial  decisions,  which  went  the  judges  one 
better.  I  said  to  myself,  this  friend  of  mine  now  at  last 
will  cease  his  hero  worshipping.  But  let  me  tell  you  that 
although  he  had  made  a  convincing  argument  against  the 
recall  of  judges,  he  still  followed  his  hero  and  stood  for 
the  recall  of  judicial  decisions. 

Now  that  is  a  problem  for  the  young  man  and  the 
young  woman  of  America  to  face  with  intellectual  brav- 
ery, to  have  the  courage  to  reason  out  the  problem  as  to 
whether  American  life  is  going  to  be  safe  if  any  large 
number  of  people  fall  down  and  worship  any  particular 
man  in  the  Republic.  I  would  not  have  you  understand 
that  in  making  this  statement  I  am  attempting  to  cast  any 
aspersions  upon  the  great  and  wonderful  success  of  an 
ex-president  of  the  United  States.  But  if  anybody  should 
fall  down  and  worship  me  and  follow  me  outside  of  the 
constitution  and  the  laws  of  this  Republic,  I  should  say 
that  he  was  doing  his  country  and  doing  me  an  injustice. 

There  is  another  grade  of  citizens  who  are  just  quasi- 
hero  worshippers.  They  are  like  little  children.  They 
want  their  doll  for  a  little  while  after  they  get  it,  and  then 
they  want  to  rip  the  seam  open  to  see  the  sawdust  run 
out  of  the  doll.  It  is  within  the  common  knowledge  of 
the  American  people  that  we  put  Admiral  Dewey  upon  a 
pedestal  after  the  battle  of  Manila  bay  and  we  worshipped 


him,  one  and  all  of  us  bowing  down  before  him  as  the 
greatest  of  Americans,  and  some  of  us  contributed  a  dol- 
lar apiece  and  bought  him  a  house.  He  deeded  his  house 
to  his  wife,  and  then  we  just  ripped  him  open  and  let  the 
sawdust  run  out  of  him. 

For  a  while  so  many  of  us  approach  a  public  man  upon 
the  theory  that  he  is  some  huge  colossus  bestriding  the 
earth,  and  we  poor  pygmies  are  to  be  honored  if  we  may 
be  but  permitted  to  walk  between  his  legs.  For  a  while 
we  look  upon  him  as  a  sacred  image  in  a  sacred  church 
and  a  great  many  of  us  come  into  the  church  with  an 
incense  pot  in  one  hand  and  a  brickbat  in  the  other ;  and 
for  awhile  we  swing  the  censer,  bow  down  and  worship 
him,  until  suddenly  this  oracle  announces  something  that 
does  not  happen  to  tally  with  our  particular  views,  al- 
though it  may  be  an  utterance  that  has  no  moment  what- 
ever in  American  life,  and  straightaway  we  throw  the 
incense  pot  out,  shy  the  brickbat  at  him  and  break  his 
clay  legs — because  every  man  in  American  life  has  clay 
legs  if  you  only  knew  them.  Down  he  comes  from  his 
high  position,  and  we  start  out  and  try  to  put  another  man 
up  in  his  place. 

And  there  is  the  third  grade  of  citizens  that  will  need 
looking  after  by  the  young  men  of  America.  They  are 
the  people  who  seemingly  care  nothing  about  the  condi- 
tion of  public  affairs.  If  you  have  not  gone  into  the  sta- 
tistics, let  me  tell  you  that  there  were  more  legal  voters 
who  did  not  cast  their  ballot  for  anybody  in  the  election 
of  1912  than  there  were  voters  who  cast  their  ballots  for 
Woodrow  Wilson.  Now  you  may  think  that  that  is  not  a 
startling  condition  of  affairs  in  American  life.  But  when 
more  than  one-fourth  of  the  voters  of  this  Republic  have 


so  little  interest  in  their  political  affairs,  care  so  little  as  to 
policies  or  officials,  as  to  remain  away  from  the  polls,  I 
beg  the  young  men  and  the  young  women  of  America  to 
give  candid,  careful,  and  earnest  consideration  as  to  the 
state  and  condition  of  the  elector  in  America. 

Now  among  all  these  classes,  the  three  of  them, — the 
blind  worshipper,  the  iconoclast,  the  thoughtless  and  in- 
different, there  is  a  tendency,  as  it  seems  to  an  old  man, 
that  this  government  of  ours  and  its  affairs  is  to  be  a 
matter  of  impulse  rather  than  a  matter  of  principle  about 
which  it  is  possible  for  a  brave  man,  if  he  will  follow  it  to 
the  end,  to  find  the  truth.  I  am  fearful  that  in  American 
life  today,  if  Patrick  Henry  were  to  arise  and  attempt 
to  make  his  famous  oration  over  he  would  not  say  to  the 
American  people  that  he  had  but  one  lamp  by  which  his 
feet  were  guided,  and  that  is  the  lamp  of  experience,  but 
quite  the  contrary,  if  he  met  almost  the  common  view  in 
public  life  today,  and  I  speak  from  no  political  standpoint, 
because  we  find  there  are  so  many  good  Republicans  who 
are  Democrats  and  so  many  bad  Democrats  who  are  Re- 
publicans that  I  am  slightly  mixed.  I  say,  it  is  this  idea 
in  American  life  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  past  that  is 
worth  anything,  and  if  Patrick  Henry  were  to  make  his 
speech  again  he  would  say  the  lamp  of  experience  proves 
everything  that  was  bad,  and  therefore  I  advise  you  to 
try  something  new,  not  because  the  lamp  of  experience 
has  taught  that  the  new  things  which  I  advise  you  to  take 
are  logically  provable,  but  upon  the  theory  of  patent  med- 
icine— if  it  doesn't  do  you  any  good  it  will  not  do  you  any 
harm. 

I  do  not  believe  in  the  unrestrained  will  of  the  majority. 
I  was  a  Democrat,  voting  the  Democratic  ticket  too  long 


to  believe  in  the  unrestrained  will  of  the  majority.  And 
I  am  not  so  sure  that  we  are  going  to  stay  in  so  long  that 
I  will  ever  be  inocculated  with  the  virus  of  the  unrestrained 
will  of  the  majority.  I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  any  better 
system  of  government  than  the  old  government  in  America. 
I  believe  in  the  checks  and  balances  of  the  old  system  of 
government.  While  I  believe  in  a  democracy  with  a  little 
d,  I  beg  the  young  men  and  young  women  who  are  going 
to  take  charge  of  the  national  life  very  soon  to  remember 
that  the  unrestrained  will  of  a  majority  is  as  liable  to  lead 
to  evil  as  it  is  to  good. 

I  could  not  believe  in  the  great  principle  of  "life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,"  if  I  should  yield  that  assent 
to  the  unrestrained  will  of  the  majority.  I  have  myself 
certain  inalienable  rights  given  me  by  God  that  may  not 
be  taken  away  from  me  by  written  constitutions ;  yes,  of 
which  I  may  not  be  deprived  by  the  determination  of  all 
the  judicial  tribunals  in  America;  yea,  more  than  that, 
which  I  myself  have  no  right  to  cede  away  as  against  the 
rights  of  posterity.  So  that  this  is  another  problem  for 
the  young  man  and  the  young  woman  of  America  to  con- 
sider, that  there  must  not  be,  if  this  republic  of  ours  is  to 
endure,  there  must  not  be  an  unrestrained  will  of  the 
majority.  You  can  see  with  a  moment's  thought  to  what 
it  might  lead. 

It  might  lead  to  the  legalizing  of  the  wrong  and  it 
might  lead  to  the  illegalizing  of  the  right.  And  when  we 
attempt  to  put  our  national  conduct  and  our  public  con- 
science exclusively  to  the  touchstone  of  a  legislative  enact- 
ment, we  are  far  in  the  decline  of  the  republic.  Let  no 
one  forget  the  story  of  Ben  Butler,  when  a  young  man 
asked  him  to  approve  his  admission  to  the  Bar  of  Massa- 


chusetts.  Butler  said  to  him,  "What  do  you  know  of  the 
law  ?"  He  said  to  him,  "General,  I  know  everything  there 
is  in  the  statutes  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts."  The 
general  said,  "  I  can't  approve  your  admission,  young 
man."  And  he  said  "  Why  ?"  "The  difficulty  is,  young 
man,  the  legislature  may  meet  next  winter  and  repeal  all 
you  know." 

Do  not  take  this  theory  that  the  unrestrained  will  of  a 
wrong  majority,  which  does  not  take  into  consideration 
the  inalienable  right  of  the  individual  man  and  the  inalien- 
able right  of  a  composite  majority  in  America,  will  be  the 
right  system  of  government.  The  senior  senator  from  the 
state  of  New  York  has  given  the  finest  difinition  that  I 
know  of  our  system  of  government.  He  has  said  that  a 
republican  form  of  government  is  organized  self-control. 
That  is  the  finest  definition  that  I  have  ever  heard  of  our 
system  of  government — organized  self-control. 

I  do  not  yield  my  assent  to  the  doctrine  that  a  man 
gives  up  to  society,  when  society  is  formed,  some  of  his 
individual  rights.  I  do  not  believe  it,  because  I  do  not 
believe  that  God  ever  made  any  one  man  who  has  a  right 
to  ride  roughshod  over  the  rights  and  the  feelings  and 
sensibilities  of  any  other  man.  And  so  I  do  not  believe  that 
any  organized  society,  in  spite  of  the  statement  of  all  the 
law  writers  I  know  of  and  everybody  else  upon  the  sub- 
ject— that  men  give  up  of  their  rights  to  society  when 
they  organize  it.  I  do  not  believe  they  give  up  anything 
of  their  own  when  they  organize  society.  It  is  simply  as 
the  senior  senator  from  New  York  has  said,  organized 
self-control. 

And  the  individual  man  knows  that  there  can  be  no 
very  great  success  for  himself  unless  he  has  self-control, 


unless  he  knows  when  to  curb  his  passion,  when  to  strike 
and  when  to  run,  when  to  speak  and  when  to  keep  silent. 
And  so  society  complies,  and  these  self-controlled  men  are 
a  body  of  organized  self -controllers,  of  men  who,  banded 
together  for  the  common  good,  know  that  there  is  a  vast 
difference  between  right  and  power ;  that  there  is  a  vast 
difference  between  what  a  man  wants  to  do  and  what  a 
man  ought  to  do  in  this  world. 

There  can  be  no  organized  self-control  if  we  are  to  have 
the  unrestrained  will  of  a  majority  without  regard  to  the 
rights  of  a  minority.  If  there  be  a  single  evil  today — and 
I  beg  you  to  remember  that  I  am  expressing  no  opinion — 
a  man  at  sixty  has  no  right  to  have  an  opinion  in  this 
age;  the  only  thing  he  has  a  right  to  do  is  to  just  call  to 
the  attention  of  the  on-coming  generation  certain  things, 
and  as  they  want  to  settle  them  I  am  perfectly  willing 
they  shall  settle  them  —  tell  them  what  they  are  and  say 
to  them  in  the  language  of  the  street,  "Boys,  go  to  it" — 
so  that  these  are  not  opinions  that  I  am  expressing — be- 
tween campaigns  I  express  no  opinion,  and  now  and  then 
I  wish  I  hadn't  expressed  some  in  campaigns.  Between 
campaigns  there  are  certain  things  that  a  man  sees,  and  I 
think  properly  may  be  called  to  the  attention  of  other 
people,  and  then  call  upon  them  to  settle  it. 

But  I  want  it  understood  that  I  am  expressing  no  opin- 
ion, because  I  went  down  to  New  York  a  year  ago  or  a 
little  over  and  I  announced  that  the  American  people  could 
repeal  the  law  with  reference  to  the  statute  of  descents 
and  the  law  with  reference  to  the  making  of  wills,  and 
could  deprive  them  of  a  lot  of  their  money  down  there. 
And  do  you  know,  I  had  to  sit  up  at  night  keeping  the 
papers  that  were  bombarding  me  away  from  my  door. 


8 


The  statement  was  absolutely  true,  it  is  the  law,  always 
has  been  the  law  and  always  will  be  the  law,  but  I  was 
expressing  no  opinion  upon  the  subject.  Now  I  beg  you 
to  understand  once  again  that  there  are  no  opinions  ex- 
pressed upon  this  occasion. 

The  difficulty  with  the  present  view  of  affairs  is  that 
if  you  can  pass  a  majority  of  these  laws,  then  you  know 
things  are  all  right.  Why,  in  the  villages  of  America 
when  your  neighbor's  chickens  get  over  into  your  yard, 
you  do  not  go  to  your  neighbor  and  say  that  you  wish 
they  would  keep  their  chickens  at  home,  you  go  to  the 
common  council  and  have  them  pass  an  ordinance  provid- 
ing that  chickens  shall  not  run  at  large,  and  make  it  the 
duty  of  the  chief  of  police  and  the  patrolmen  in  the  town 
to  arrest  and  impound  the  neighbor's  chickens  that  are 
found  beyond  the  limit.  I  do  not  suppose  that  twenty-four 
hours  will  go  by  and  the  discussion  of  any  subject  arises 
that  seems  to  impinge  on  the  best  interests  of  the  people 
of  Maine  but  what  somebody  would  say  that  there  ought 
to  be  a  law  about  it.  I  suppose,  your  Excellency,  that  the 
office  of  the  Governor  of  Maine  would  be  a  delight  if  it 
were  not  for  just  two  things ;  the  people  who  want  them 
to  get  their  friends  out  of  the  penitentiary  and  the  people 
who  want  laws  passed  preventing  their  friends  from 
getting  into  the  penitentiary. 

In  the  native  state  of  Dr.  Aley  and  myself  last  year — 
early  in  this  year — they  had  an  awful  strike  and  riot,  and 
straightway  the  newspapers  in  this  country  which  are  of 
the  progressive  faith  began  to  announce,  look  at  poor  old 
Indiana.  She  has  no  initiative,  referendum,  or  recall,  and 
look  at  what  a  condition  of  affairs  Indiana  is  in.  If  she 
had  the  right  kind  of  law,  this  trouble  between  capital 


and  labor  would  not  have  been  possible  at  all  and  there 
would  have  been  no  strike  in  the  state  of  Indiana. 

Then  there  was  the  strike  out  in  Colorado,  the  most  awful 
scene  of  rapine,  carnage,  and  murder  that  there  has  been 
in  the  Republic  since  the  war  between  the  states,  and  they 
discovered  that  in  Colorado  they  had  the  initiative,  refer- 
endum, and  recall  of  judges,  and  recall  of  judicial  decis- 
ions, and  that  great  panacea  for  human  ills  for  twenty-one 
years,  women's  suffrage. 

I  brought  with  me,  but  I  am  not  going  to  weary  you  by 
reading  it  I  left  it  in  my  grip — I  have  the  constitution 
of  the  Republic  of  Mexico,  and  I  am  willing  to  leave 
it  to  any  of  the  law  professors  of  the  University  of  Maine 
if  it  is  not  a  document  of  equal  literary  and  legal  power 
and  acumen  with  the  constitution  of  the  United  States. 
It  is  every  bit  as  good  a  document. 

Now  I  am  not  discussing  women's  sufferage,  initiative, 
referendum,  or  recall,  none  of  these  theories.  I  simply 
call  your  attention  to  what  took  place  in  the  old  state  of 
Indiana.  The  state  knew  that  it  had  solid  ground  upon 
which  to  place  its  feet,  even  if  the  state  of  Colorado  has 
never  failed  to  enact  into  law  anything  that  anybody  said 
would  be  good  for  anything  they  needed  ;  and  the  republic 
of  Mexico  in  57  years  had  50  different  rulers.  I  beg  of 
the  young  men  of  America  who  are  going  to  take  charge 
of  public  affairs  to  understand  and  to  have  the  intellectual 
bravery  to  trace  all  of  these  problems  to  their  logical  con- 
clusion, and  to  find  out  for  themselves  what  I  think  they 
will  find  out,  that  no  law,  nor  ordinance,  nor  statute  will 
make  people  what  people  ought  to  be  who  do  not  con- 
trol themselves.  Organized  self  control  of  the  American 
people  has  hitherto  kept  them  safe. 


10 


There  is  another  thing  that  the  young  man  is  coming 
to  witness  in  America.  It  is  an  irresistible  conflict  be- 
tween capital  and  labor  in  this  country,  and  it  will  be 
irresistible  until  it  is  settled  in  the  fit  and  proper  manner 
in  which  men  should  settle  such  questions.  Take  this 
same  state  of  Colorado.  The  conflict  which  culminated 
a  few  months  ago  has  been  going  on  for  30  years,  and  it 
has  been  a  conflict  between  capital  on  the  one  hand,  con- 
trolled by  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  Colorado,  and 
labor  upon  the  other  hand,  controlled  by  the  same  legis- 
lature. Sometimes  one  side  would  be  in  control  and  later 
the  other  side  would  be  in  control.  They  have  tried  for 
30  years  to  solve  the  problem  in  Colorado  by  legislative 
enactment,  and  the  solution  has  been  found  to  be  a  failure. 
It  does  not  accomplish  its  purpose,  so  that  if  we  should 
have  the  unrestrained  will  of  the  majority  in  this  republic 
and  be  ruled  by  legislative  enactment  when  the  mind  of 
the  people  is  to  live,  we  can  not  help  having  irresistible 
conflict  between  capital  and  labor  that  will  never,  never 
end.     My  sympathy  has  always  been  with  labor. 

I  do  not  think  that  a  man  is  a  tramp  because  he  wants 
to  be  a  tramp,  but  I  think  he  is  a  tramp  because  has  not 
decent  clothes,  and  because  he  is  dirty,  and  because  he 
has  no  friends.  The  Salvation  Army  has  proven  conclu- 
sively that  there  is  a  great  deal  of  connection  between 
cleanliness  and  Godliness,  because  the  first  thing  they  do 
is  to  sober  a  man,  wash  him,  and  give  him  clean  clothes 
before  they  seek  for  his  soul,  so  that  he  is  the  average 
man  in  this  republic  between  those  capitalists  with  millions 
on  one  hand  and  comparative  poverty  on  the  other. 

It  is  charged  that  the  union  was  responsible  for  the 
strike  in  the  State  of  Colorado.     Now  out  of  14,000  of 


11 


these  strikers,  there  were  only  800  union  men  among  them. 
You  must  not  believe  all  that  you  read  in  the  newspapers. 
That  problem  goes  far  deeper  than  the  union.  It  goes 
far  deeper  than  the  immigration  question,  because 
there  are  12,000  of  them  who  cannot  speak  a  word  of 
English,  and  yet  who  can  go  to  the  ballot  box  if  they 
choose  to  and  kill  the  votes  of  every  one  of  these  young 
men,  and  all  the  friends  of  these  young  men,  in  the  man- 
agement and  control  of  affairs  in  this  republic,  and  yet 
there  are  people  who  say  that  the  unrestrained  will  of  the 
majority  is  the  thing  that  shall  shape  young  American  life. 
Now  some  here  think  that  labor  is  right  and  some  think 
that  capital  is  right  and  we  think  that  we  know  all  about 
it,  and  we  all  have  opinions  on  the  subject.  Now  let  me 
tell  you  that  there  are  very  few  opinions  in  America  at  the 
present  time.  I  will  not  mention  his  name,  but  there  was 
a  United  States  senator,  when  I  had  the  honor  to  preside 
over  that  august  body,  who  rose  and  said  that  he  knew 
nothing  about  the  subject,  but  that  he  desired  to  express 
an  opinion  about  it,  and  he  talked  thirty  minutes.  It 
would  be  impertinent  of  me  to  say  that  neither  his  talk 
nor  his  opinion  amounted  to  anything.  We  think  we  have 
opinions  when  as  a  matter  of  fact  we  have  only  predju- 
dices.  The  paper  that  speaks  well  of  me  is  a  great  moulder 
of  public  opinion,  but  the  paper  that  rips  me  up  the  back 
and  throws  salt  in  is  a  yellow  journal.  We  take  up  a 
paper  and  read  the  headlines  in  the  different  papers  and 
we  say  that  we  have  an  opinion.  Two  or  three  years  ago 
there  was  a  lady  doctor  found  dead  in  her  bed  in  Indian- 
apolis. I  took  up  a  morning  paper  and  read  that  Dr.  Helen 
Knabe  was  murdered.  Other  papers  said  that  she  had 
committed  suicide.     One  local  man  reviewed  the  facts  in 


12 


the  Helen  Knabe  case  for  the  newspapers  and  he  wound  up 
his  statement  in  this  way :  "Thus  we  see  from  the  facts 
in  this  case  that  Dr.  Helen  Knabe  was  either  murdered 
or  committed  suicide/' 

We  have  laws  against  usury  in  many  of  the  states  and 
in  many  cases  these  laws  are  favored  by  the  usurers  as  it 
means  the  protection  of  the  man  who  has  money  to  lend. 
They  claim  it  is  a  safeguard  against  temptation.  It  is 
like  the  law  of  prohibition  in  the  state  of  Maine.  It  is  a 
safeguard  against  temptation. 

Now  let  me  give  a  few  figures  in  regard  to  labor.  In 
1850,  the  proportion  between  labor  and  capital  in  America 
at  that  time  was  one-fourth  to  labor  and  three-fourths  to 
capital.  Now  read  your  history  of  the  times  and  find  out 
whether  or  not  this  is  so.  In  1850  we  had  a  peaceful, 
contented,  happy  people.  There  were  no  disturbances  be- 
tween the  rich  man  and  the  laboring  man  and  there  was 
no  millionaire.  He  came  in  with  the  boll  weavil  and  the 
gypsy  moth.  He  was  an  evolution.  Now  take  1910.  In 
sixty  years  capital  gets  more  than  four-fifths  on  every- 
thing that  is  made  in  America,  but  the  laborer  gets  less 
than  one-fifth.  I  am  not  expressing  any  opinion  on  the 
subject. 

If  you  read  the  testimony  before  the  industrial  com- 
mission given  by  the  head  of  the  I.  W.  W.  less  than 
three  weeks  ago  in  the  city  of  New  York,  you  know  that 
he  said  if  it  were  necessary  to  destroy  a  factory  in  order 
to  accomplish  their  purpose,  well  and  good,  that  if  it  was 
necessary  to  kill  and  murder  to  accomplish  their  purpose, 
well  and  good.  A  hundred  thousand  of  them,  young  gen- 
tlemen, were  going  to  take  charge  of  the  public  affairs  in 
America.     One   hundred  thousand  were   growing  every 


13 


year.  This  is  a  problem  that  deserves  your  honest  and 
active  consideration  and  a  problem  that  you  must  face 
and  properly  settle. 

Now  there  is  another  question  that  confronts  you 
young  men,  that  of  state's  rights.  We  all  believe  in 
state's  rights;  that  is,  we  all  believe  in  state's  rights 
whenever  somebody  wants  to  do  something  that  we  do 
not  want  done.  I  doubt  whether  there  is  a  public  man 
in  America  today  who  will  back  the  principle  and  in  the 
face  of  every  condition  stand  by  that  principle.  I  am  not 
saying  that  I  would. 

We  object  to  the  centralization  of  everything  in  Wash- 
ington theoretically,  but  when  we  want  a  portion  of  the 
agricultural  appropriation  in  order  to  teach  the  young 
men  how  to  farm  we  call  on  the  national  treasury  to  get 
the  money. 

I  have  known  four  men.  I  do  not  mean  that  I  have  not 
known  more  than  four  men,  but  I  have  known  four  men 
and  there  is  a  vast  deal  of  difference  between  knowing 
men  and  knowing  about  them.  It  is  not  as  troublesome 
to  know  about  a  man,  but  it  is  a  difficult  thing  to  know 
him.  One  of  these  was  a  young  man.  He  weighs  225 
pounds.  He  is  a  fine  specimen  of  physical  manhood.  He 
is  the  greatest  football  player  that  I  know  of  in  America, 
but  he  has  never  made  the  team  I  am  going  to  tell  you 
what  he  said  about  it.  He  said  he  would  not  play  be- 
cause he  was  afraid  that  with  his  great  strength  he  would 
hurt  somebody. 

The  second  man  I  know  was  of  the  tribe  of  Judah.  He 
brought  his  green  trunk  across  the  gang  plank  at  Castle 
Garden  about  1825  and  went  into  the  wilds  of  Indiana ; 
carried  a  pack  on  his  back  from  place  to  place  ;  later,  he 
became  a  storekeeper,  and  finally  a  banker.     For  a  while 

14 


I  was  his  confidential  attorney  in  the  closing  up  of  his 
business  transactions.  One  day  a  man  told  him  that  his 
agent  had  misrepresented  the  facts  to  him  in  closing  a 
deal.  There  was  no  defense.  There  was  $5,000  profit  in 
it  for  my  Hebrew  friend.  I  told  him  there  was  no  defense 
of  a  contract.  He  said :  "Write  a  release.  I  have  lived 
60  years  in  this  community  and  I  do  not  know  of  a  man 
who  ever  begrudged  me  my  money  or  whoever  accused 
me  of  getting  a  dollar  that  did  not  belong  to  me."  He  is 
dead  now.  I  wrote  his  children  a  letter  of  condolence, 
but  it  had  nothing  to  do  with  his  wealth ;  it  had  to  do 
with  the  white  soul  that  has  gone  to  God. 

The  third  man  that  I  knew  was  an  office  holder.  He 
discovered  that  certain  fees  to  the  state  it  had  been  the 
custom  of  his  predecessors  to  use  for  political  purposes. 
There  was  no  law  against  such  a  use  and  there  was  no 
law  stating  the  funds  should  go  into  the  state  treasury. 
He  turned  the  money  into  the  state  treasury. 

The  fourth  man  that  I  knew  was  a  manufacturer.  He 
reached  the  conclusion,  not  being  of  my  Presbyterian  faith, 
that  "in  Adam's  fall,  we  sinned  all,"  and  that  "the  grapes 
which  the  fathers  eat  set  the  children's  teeth  on  edge." 
He  reached  the  conclusion  that  it  did  not  seem  right  that 
one  man  should  receive  a  reward  for  the  fortunate  enter- 
prise of  his  flock  and  another  should  be  punished  for  the 
poverty  of  his  flock.  He  was  one  who  had  been  rewarded 
for  his  fortune.  He  then  went  into  a  profit  sharing  pro- 
position with  his  employes.  They  have  no  strikes  and 
the  business  is  carried  on  with  peace  and  harmony.  These 
four  men  I  have  named  are  worthy  of  honor. 

May  God  help  the  University  of  Maine  to  keep  from  its 
rolls  of  alumni  any  man  who  is  not  brave  enough  to  do 
right. 

15 


CLASS  OF  1914 


COLLEGE  OF  AGRICULTURE 

BACHELOR  OF  SCIENCE 

Arthur  Wakren  Abbott  (Horticulture) Portland 

Harold  Purington  Adams  (Dairy  Husbandry) Bowdoinham 

Charl.es  Raymond  Atwood  (Forestry) Rumford 

Lewis  John  Brown  (Agronomy) Gorham,  N.  H. 

Chauncey  Wallace  Lord  Chapman  (Forestry) Old  Town 

Ralph  Thompson  Coffey  (Horticulture) South  Brewer 

Richard  Foster  Crocker  (Biology) Belfast 

John  Whittemore  Gowen  (Agronomy) Arlington,  Mass. 

Howe  Wiggin  Hall  (Horticulture) Rockland 

James  Russell  Hudson  (Animal  Husbandry) Winthrop 

Henry  Augustus  King  (Horticulture) Peabody,  Mass. 

Charles  Raymond  McKenney  (Horticulture) Orono 

Leon  Stanley  McLauchlan  (Agronomy) Fort  Fairfield 

Preston  Hussey  Martin  (Horticulture) Fort  Fairfield 

William  Collins  Monahan  (Agronomy) South  Framingham,  Mass. 

Paul  Wheeler  Monohon  (Agronomy)    Biddeford 

Wilson  Montgomery  Morse  (Animal  Husbandry) Waterf ord 

Sidney  Winfield  Patterson  (Dairy  Husbandry) Winslow 

Roy  William  Peaslee  (Agronomy) Randolph 

Woodbury  Freeman  Pride  (Horticulture) Auburn 

Eugenia  Rodick  (Home  Economics) Bar  Harbor 

Neil  Carpenter  Sherwood  (Animal  Husbandry) Cherryfield 

Leon  Campbell  Smith  (Forestry)    Topsham 

Roland  Earle  Stevens  (Biology) Belfast 

William  Raymond  Thompson  (Biology) Bangor 

Wayland  Dean  Towner  (Forestry) Maiden,  Mass. 


COLLEGE  OF  ARTS  AND  SCIENCES 

BACHELOR  OF  ARTS 

Louise  Bartlett  (Latin) Orono 

Estelle  Beaupre  (Romance  Languages) Bangor 

Marion  Stephanie  Buzzell  (Romance  Languages) Old  Town 

Charles  Arthur  Chase  (Biology) Sebec  Station 

Harold  Vernon  Cobb  (Economics) Livermore  Falls 

Mary  Longfellow  Cousins  (Latin) Brewer 


16 


Zu  Chi  Dage  (Chemistry) Soo  Chow,  China 

Albert  Felton  (Chemistry) Parsons,  W.  Va. 

Albert  Barnett  Ferguson  (Biology) New  York,  N.  Y. 

Norman  Richards  French  (Physics) Fort  Fairfield 

Everett  Burton  Harvey  (English) Bar  Harbor 

Theodore  Winthrop  Haskell  (Economics) Westbrook 

Oswald  Burnett  Higgins  (Physics) Sewaren,  N.  J. 

Aileene  Browne  Hobart  (English) Milford 

Laura  Pearl  Hodgins  (Latin) Calais 

Carrol  Clair  Jones  (Economics) Solon 

Marion  Luella  Jordan  (Latin) Old  Town 

Albert  Lincoln  King  (Economics) South  Paris 

Warren  Stanhope  Lucas  (Mathematics) Auburn 

Esca  Allen  Maines  (Education) Norway 

Frank  Albert  Morris  (English) Old  Town 

George  Burgess  Newman  (Biology) Fryeburg 

Anna  Belle  Perkins  (Romance  Languages) North  Brooksville 

Arthur  Amos  St.  Onge  (Romance  Languages) Dover 

Allan  Frank  Sawyer  (Economics) Milbridge 

George  Edward  Sinkinson  (Economics) Somersworth,  N.  H. 

Carolyn  Imogen  Wormwood  (English) Bangor 

George  James  York  (History) Yarmouthville 


COLLEGE  OF  LAW 

BACHELOR  OF  LAWS 

Charles  Drummond  Barllett Bangor 

Carl  Adams  Blackington Rockland 

Samuel  Cohen Bangor 

Frank  Gerald  Driscoll Concord,  N.  H. 

Maurice  Sylvester  Gerrish Melrose,  Mass. 

Ralph  Rigby  Glass  (Graduate,  U.  S.  Military  Academy,  1904) Bangor. 

Edward  Isaac  Gleszer Hartford,  Conn. 

Ernest  Leroy  Goodspeed  (A.  B.,  Bowdoin  College,  1909) Randolph 

Clypton  Hewes Saco 

Charles  Edward  Leonard Haverhill,  Mass. 

Frank  Milton  Libby Portland 

James  Barry  Mountaine Bangor 

Gladys  Madeline  Niles Bangor 

James  Gorman  O'Connor Taunton,  Mass. 

Arthur  Willis  Patterson Castine 

Harvey  Roscoe  Pease Cornish 

Fred  Wakefield  Small Steep  Falls 

Frank  Elwyn  Southard  (B.  A.,  University  of  Maine,  1910) Auburn 

James  Robey  Towle Montpelier,  Vt. 

Carl  Alfred  Weick Springfield 

Ralph  Kimball  Wood Bangor 


COLLEGE  OF  TECHNOLOGY 

BACHELOR  OF  SCIENCE 

Archie  Asbury  Adams  (Mechanical  Engineering) Lagrange 

Clifton  Lowery  Allen  (Civil  Engineering) Mount  Vernon 

Robert  Wilbur  Andrews  (Civil  Engineering) West  Pembroke 

Philip  Hanson  Bean  (Civil  Engineering) Saco 

Ira  Miller  Bradbury  (Civil  Engineering) Gorham 

Paul  De  Costa  Bray  (Chemistry) Turner 

Dwight  Stillman  Chalmers  (Electrical  Engineering) Albion 

Hermon  Richard  Clarke  (Electrical  Engineering) Townsend,  Mass. 

Fred  Earle  Dearborn  (Chemistry) Penacook,  N.  H. 

Harold  Lee  Dinsmore  (Electrical  Engineering) Hebron 

Leon  Albion  Field  (Mechanical  Engineering) Biddef ord 

David  Albert  Foster  (Civil  Engineering) Ellsworth  Falls 

Ernest  Eugene  Fowler  (Mechanical  Engineering) Hartford,  Conn. 

Harold  Colby  Gerrish  (Electrical  Engineering) Bangor 

Edward  Leonard  Getchell  (Electrical  Engineering) Waterville 

Alexander  LeRoy  Haggart  (Civil  Engineering) Franklin,  Mass. 

Alden  Burgess  Hayes  (Mechanical  Engineering) Bangor 

Thomas  Carol  Higgins  (Civil  Engineering) Bar  Harbor 

Frederick  Sawtelle  Jones  (Electrical  Engineering) Augusta 

John  Norman  Junkins  (Mechanical  Engineering) Milford,  N.  H. 

Charles  Merrill  Kelly,  Jr.,  (Electrical  Engineering) Ipswich,  Mass. 

William  Earle  Kimball  (Civil  Engineering) South  Paris 

Fred  Justin  Lewis  (Civil  Engineering) Springfield,  Mass. 

Arthur  Clarence  Libby  (Civil  Engineering) Scarboro 

Edward  Michael  Loptus  (Chemical  Engineering) Bangor 

Nicholas  Philip  Makanna  (Civil  Engineering)    Bangor 

Mario  Martinelli  (Chemistry) Wareham,  Mass. 

Paul  Elmer  Murray   (Electrical  Engineering) Skowhegan 

Fernando  Treat  Norcross  (Civil  Engineering) Portland 

Mark  Pendleton  (Electrical  Engineering) Islesboro 

Wilfred  Brown  Pickard  (Civil  Engineering) Hopedale,  Mass. 

Lester  Lary  Richardson  (Civil  Engineering) Old  Orchard 

Gerald  Arlester  Rounds  (Civil  Engineering) Portland 

Herbert  Nason  Skolfield  (Civil  Engineering) Brunswick 

Philip  Webb  Thomas  (Civil  Engineering) Portland 

Charles  Herbert  Tipping  (Mechanical  Engineering) Claremont,  N.  H. 

Guy  Raymond  Wescott  (Civil  Engineering) Rumford 

Max  Lincoln  Wilder  (Civil  Engineering) Augusta 

Sherwood  Howe  Willard  (Electrical  Engineering) Greenfield,  Mass. 

Frederick  Shaw  Youngs  (Civil  Engineering) Bangor 


PHARMACEUTICAL    CHEMIST 

Arthur  George  Baldwin Reading,  Mass. 

Francis  Edward  Fortier Orono 

Thomas  Augustine  Lynch Bangor 

Paul  Ouillette Caribou 

George  Boss  Paul Dover,  N.  H. 


ADVANCED  DEGREES 

MASTER  OF  ARTS 

Martin  Andrew  Nordgard  [A.  B.,  Saint  Olaf  College,  1904]  (Mathematics) .  Orono 
Irving  Osgood  Scott,  [B.  S.,  Dartmouth  College,  1910]  (Education) Hinckley 


MASTER  SCIENCE 

Clarence  Wallace  Barber,  [B.  S.,  University  of  Maine,  1912]  (Biology) . .  .Orono 

MASTER  OF  LAWS 

Mark  Alton  Barwise,  [LL.  B.,  University  of  Maine,  1913] Bangor 

Arthur  Jean  Baptiste  Cartier,  [LL.  B.,  University  of  Maine,  1909] ....  Biddeford 
Walter  Herbert  Foster,  [LL.  B.,  University  of  Maine,  1905] ....  Boston,  Mass. 
Ernest  Linwood  Seavey,  [LL.  B.,  University  of  Maine,  1908] San  Diego,  Cal.' 

CHEMICAL  ENGINEER 

Albert  Davis  Conley,  [B.  S.,  University  of  Maine,  1911] Passaic,  N.  J. 

CIVIL  ENGINEER 

Raymond  Earle  Davis,  [B.  S.,  University  of  Maine,  1911] Urbana,  111. 

ClarenceMcLellan  Weston,  [B.  S.,  University  of  Maine,  1908].  New  York,  N.  Y. 


HONORARY    DEGREES 

DOCTOR  OF  LAWS 

Thomas  Riley  Marshall,  [A.  B.,  Wabash  College,  1873;  A.  M.,  1876;  LL.D., 
1909;  also  LL.  D.,  Notre  Dame  University,  1910;  University  of  Penn- 
sylvania, 1911]  Vice  President  of  the  United  States Washington,  D.  C. 

Henry  Clinton  Morrison,  [A.  B.,  Dartmouth  College,  1895;    M.  S.,  New 

Hampshire  College,  State  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  Concord,  N.  H. 


CERTIFICATES 

HOME  ECONOMICS 

Edith  Flint Baldwin 

Ethel,  Elizabeth  Harrigan  . Bangor 

Ruth  Jackman Vanceboro 

Mart  Fret  Leonard Lewieton 


SCHOOL  COURSE  IN  AGRICULTURE 

Alden  Western  Bradford Sebec  Station 

John  Carroll  Hawkes South  Windham 

Joseph  Henry  Johnson Waltham,  Mass. 

Harold  Joseph  Shaw Sanf ord 

Alfred  Henry  Sidelinger Nobleboro 

Sylvanus  Cobb  Small Charleston 

Jones  Harold  Talbot East  Machias 

Floyd  Verrill Brunswick 

Linton  Bartlett  Ward Shirley,  Mass. 

Carroll  Eugene  Wilcox Morgan,  Vt. 

Clyde  Sumner  Wilcox Morgan,  Vt. 


MESS  OF 

CM.   CLASS  *  CO. 
•AN60R,  MAINE 


0112  105817040 


